American Conquest: Fight Back is a stand-alone expansion pack for American Conquest. It features five new nations: Germany, Russia, Haida, Portugal and the Netherlands, and 50 new units. In addition to new campaigns featuring the Mayas, the Germans, the Haida and the Russians, a new 'battlefield' game mode is available. The German campaign briefly chronicles the expedition of Ambrosius Ehinger and Georg Hohermuth whereas the Russian campaign concerns the Alaskan campaign under Alexander Baranov. The new Haida campaign is from the Haida point of view of the Russian expedition. The Mayas campaign covers details from the Spanish conquest of Yucatán.
A total conversion mod for the game was released in 2006, with patches and different versions released up until 2009, called European Warfare: Napoleonica that transferred the player back to 19th Century war-torn Europe during the Napoleonic Wars. The project was undertaken by Gexozoid (helped by the Hawks group and other associates) in 2007 and since then had a fairly active community on GameRanger and forums up until 2015. The Hawks Group recreated a vast database of historical battles that can be played in multiplayer by up to 7 players at the same time, sharing armies or fighting in co-op. It can still be downloaded at their original website or on ModDB. The Mod features over 200 new units and around 20 new buildings that range from a faction's Barracks to fortifications in the form of manned cannon towers and breastworks much like in Cossacks. 12 fully playable nations include: France, England, Poland, Austria, Prussia, Russia, Spain, Italy, the Ottoman Empire, Confederacy of Rhine, Sweden and the USA.
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Truman's statement was released to newspaper reporters. That afternoon, Truman attended a meeting of the United Nations and proposed a resolution urging all UN member nations to give assistance to South Korea. The meeting had been originally planned for the morning but was postponed to accommodate one of its members. Secretary of State Dean Acheson later reflected that the Soviets liked to point out that since the U.N. meeting occurred after the President's statement, Truman could not truthfully claim that his decision to commit forces was influenced by the wishes of the United Nations. When it did meet later that day, the United Nations passed his resolution, although a handful of dissenting countries abstained.
The opening example of Commodore Matthew Perry's mission to "open" Ja- pan shows the potential benefits of this approach. By focusing on the technological gifts presented to the Emperor and the Japanese responses to them, Adas shows that, for both sides, these machines were not incidental but central to the meaning of this event. Americans arrived with a model train, modern firearms, steam engines, the telegraph, and other devices, often supplied at no charge by the manufacturers. They understood these signs of technical superiority as proof of cultural supremacy, and assumed their civilizing mission was to force the Japanese into modernization. In the encounters Adas emphasizes, notably with Native Americans, the Chinese, Filipinos, Vietnamese and Arabs, Americans tried to discern whether a "race" was capable of assimilating advanced technologies. Always the hope was that they could and that democratic government would follow, mimicking an idealized American model of development. In contrast, the Japanese and other nations saw the same "gifts" as a thinly veiled threat. Japan successfully responded with rapid, home-grown industrialization to defend its culture, but not every nation had the means, the time, or the opportunity. Dominance By Design presents this series of confrontations as examples of a disturbing pattern, in which Americans have tried to use technologies to inscribe their values and way of life on others, often without understanding the receivers of these "gifts." In each case, US proponents justified forcibly subduing another nation by invoking the promise of material improvements such as roads, sanitation, dams, factories, and schools. The justification usually included descriptions of undeveloped resources, and often underscored the downtrodden lot of women, depicted as exploited drudges. The latter theme had emerged already in Colonial accounts of bedraggled squaws, and it was an effective part of the rhetoric of technological liberation in the war against Afghanistan. Adas traces linkages between such representations and expansionist ideology, which together expressed a technological imperative that offered an almost deterministic vision of America's role as a "civilizing nation."
How to tackle this enormous subject? Consider the book a flight through 400 years in as many pages. Starting at a high altitude, the first 127 pages cruise from Colonial times through 1900, including the conquest of Native Americans, the Anglo-American embrace of technology as the measure of civilization, rapid western expansion, and early US encounters with China and Japan. The narrative then slows for seventy more detailed pages on the American occupation of the Philippines and the building of the Panama Canal, and then accelerates to [End Page 185] survey, in less than thirty pages, World War I, the 1920s, the Great Depression, and World War II. Adas then slows down to cover half a century in the final 190 pages, divided into three chapters. The first examines the invention and deployment of modernization theory, notably the ideas of W. W. Rostow, in the Cold War, noting its similarities at many points to the communist alternative. The second looks at the failure of US technological systems to win the Vietnam War, either in the guise of development projects of the early years or, later, through the policy of escalating strategic bombing. The third studies the attempt to engineer dominance in Iraq and the Persian Gulf. Adas argues that in the 1991 war, "technologies supplanted humans as the heroes in the victory" (360), further increasing the "technocentrism" of the military and of foreign policy. Americans became ever more (mistakenly) certain that cybertech warfare was surgically precise, while they de-emphasized the constructive, nation-building side of America's mission as...
Each poster set contains 18 different posters designed to be printed at 3 feet by 2 feet in full color. The audio testimony accompanying the poster set can be found by dialing 508.784.1945. The phone number is located on each of the posters. To download the full poster set or a PowerPoint version, please fill out the short survey.
The southern counties along the Danube, Sava, Tisa (Tisza) and Tamis (Temes) rivers, including Srem (Szerém, Sirmium) had been the richest, most developed and purely Hungarian inhabited part of the Hungarian Kingdom in the Middle Ages. The Ottoman conquest brought about a dramatic population shift between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, when the Hungarians were either massacred or forced to flee the area. The demographic vacuum was filled by Serbian immigration. The Serbs acquired a privileged status as frontier guards of the Habsburg realm, with full territorial, religious and cultural autonomy up to the middle of the eighteenth century. 2ff7e9595c
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